This paper approaches the debate in generative syntax surrounding the structural position and status (argument vs. non-argument) of preverbal subjects from the perspective of clitic placement in Galician, an Iberian Romance language that permits enclisis and proclisis in finite clauses. It examines the interaction of clitics with preverbal subjects, fronted focus elements, and topicalized XPs in Galician in main clause, subordinate clause, and recomplementation contexts. Given the clitic directionality asymmetries examined, maintaining Raposo and Uriagereka's (2005) cliticization proposal requires a modification of the expanded left periphery (à la Rizzi 1997). According to the proposal outlined here, lower (recomplementation) QUE appears in the head of a topical Doubled Force (DFce) projection following notions in Martín-González (2002) and Demonte and Fernández-Soriano (2009), while preverbal subjects may appear in a variety of structural positions -- positions which appear to be dependent on the content of the clausal numeration.
Selected Proceedings of the 14th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium
edited by Kimberly Geeslin and Manuel Díaz-Campos
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