This paper analyzes plural marking in Afro-Bolivian Spanish (ABS) Determiner Phrase (DP) in order to establish the phi-feature valuation process regulating its variation. Building on current theoretical assumptions (Chomsky 2000, 2001; Frampton and Gutmann 2000; Pesetsky and Torrego 2007; Adger and Smith 2005), this article argues that the presence of valued number features in ABS is reduced in comparison to Standard Spanish. Uninterpretable phi-features in agreement relations are redundant and their absence is grammatically costless. This hypothesis is congruent with previous studies on impoverished agreement in ABS DP (Lipski 2007). This study combines a variationist approach and current syntactic theory, and contributes to the knowledge of the agreement systems in less-studied varieties of Spanish.
Selected Proceedings of the 13th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium
edited by Luis A. Ortiz-López
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