This paper addresses the question of whether the morphosyntax of a word can force the violation of a morphophonological principle by comparing two versions of separationism—the theory that different types of information about the same word are in different levels of representation. The first version proposes a flat architecture in which no level is prior to another, while the second version proposes that the levels, although separated, are strictly ordered. The author presents data from the Spanish verb ir that support this second view of separationism, Ordered Separationism, by showing that, in some cases, the verb erases its theme vowel to satisfy a morphophonological principle, but violates that morphophonological principle in some contexts where erasing the theme vowel would violate a morphosyntactic principle.
Selected Proceedings of the 5th Décembrettes: Morphology in Toulouse
edited by Fabio Montermini, Gilles Boyé, and Nabil Hathout
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